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PROSECUTOR v MORRIS & ORS - DECISION ON CHALLENGE TO JURISDICTION: LOMÉ ACCORD AMNESTY - CASE No. SCSL-04-15-AR72(E), CASE No. SCSL 04-16-AR72(E) [2004] SCSL 3 (13 March 2004)
O
SPECIAL COURT FOR SIERRA LEONE
JOMO KENYATTA
ROAD • FREETOWN • SIERRA LEONE
PHONE: +1 212 963 9915
Extension: 178 7000 or +39 0831 257000 or +232 22 295995
FAX:
Extension: 178 7001 or +39 0831 257001 Extension: 174 6996 or +232 22
295996
THE APPEALS CHAMBER
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Before:
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Justice Renate Winter, Presiding Justice George Gelaga King Justice
Emmanuel Ayoola
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Registrar:
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Robin Vincent
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Date:
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13 March 2004
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PROSECUTOR
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Against
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MORRIS KALLON (Case No. SCSL-2004-15-AR72(E))
BRIMA BAZZY KAMARA (Case No. SCSL-2004-16-AR72(E))
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DECISION ON CHALLENGE TO JURISDICTION: LOMÉ ACCORD
AMNESTY
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Office of the Prosecutor:
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Defence Counsel for Morris Kallon:
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Desmond de Silva, QC
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James Oury
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Luc Côté
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Stephen Powles
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Walter Marcus-Jones
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Abdul Tejan-Cole
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Defence Counsel for Brima Bazzy Kamara:
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Ken Fleming, QC
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Amici Curiae:
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Interveners:
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Richard Hermer for Redress Trust, Lawyers Committee for Human Rights and
the International Commission of Jurists
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Andreas O’Shea for Augustine Gbao Michiel Pestman for
Moinina Fofana
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Professor Diane Orentlicher
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THE APPEALS CHAMBER of the Special Court for Sierra Leone
(“Court” or “Special Court”);
BEING SEIZED of (1) a ‘Preliminary Motion based on lack of
Jurisdiction/ Abuse of Process: Amnesty Provided by the Lomé
Accord’,
filed on behalf of Morris Kallon on 16 June 2003 (“Kallon
Preliminary Motion”); and (2) ‘Application by Brima Bazzy
Kamara in
respect of Jurisdiction and Defects in Indictment’, filed on behalf of
Brima Bazzy Kamara on 22 September 2003, section
3 of which raises issues
relating to the Lomé Accord amnesty (“Kamara Preliminary
Motion”);[1]
NOTING that the Prosecution Response to the Kallon Preliminary Motion
was filed on 23 June
2003[2], and that the
Prosecution Response to the Kamara Preliminary Motion was filed on 29 September
2003;[3]
NOTING that the Kallon Preliminary Motion was referred to the Appeals
Chamber on 30 September 2003 pursuant to Rules 72(E) and (F) of the
Rules of
Procedure and Evidence for the Special Court for Sierra Leone (“the
Rules”), and that the Kamara Preliminary
Motion was referred to the
Appeals Chamber under Rule 72(E) of the Rules on 9 October
2003; [4]
NOTING that oral submissions were heard on 3 and 4 November 2003;
NOTING that Written Defence Submissions in support of Oral Argument
were filed on behalf of Kallon on 3 November
2003[5]; that Defence
Post-Hearing Written Submissions were filed on behalf of Kallon on 28 November
2003[6]; and that the
Prosecution filed its Response thereto on 3 December
2003;[7]
NOTING that submissions by the Redress Trust, the Lawyer’s
Committee for Human Rights and the International Commission of Jurists
(“Redress”)
as amicus curiae were filed on 24 October 2003,
that the application by Redress to make written and oral submissions as
amicus curiae was accepted by the Appeals Chamber on 1 November
2003[8] and that
subsequent Post-Hearing Written Submissions were filed by Redress on 21 November
2003;[9]
NOTING FURTHER that at the invitation of the Appeals Chamber
submissions were filed by amicus curiae Professor Diane Orentlicher on 27
October 2003 (“Orentlicher amicus brief”); and that with
leave of the Court written submissions were filed on behalf of the accused
Moinina Fofana[10] and
Augustine Gbao[11]
intervening, in support of oral arguments;
HAVING CONSIDERED THE ORAL AND WRITTEN SUBMISSIONS OF THE PARTIES,
AMICI CURIAE AND INTERVENERS;
HEREBY DECIDES:
- GROUNDS
OF THE PRELIMINARY MOTION
A. Introduction
- In
summary, the grounds of the two applications, in so far as they are relevant to
this Decision, are that the Government of Sierra
Leone is bound to observe the
amnesty granted under Article IX of the Peace Agreement between the Government
of Sierra Leone and
the Revolutionary United Front of Sierra Leone
(“Lomé
Agreement”);[12]
the Special Court should not assert jurisdiction over crimes committed prior to
July 1999 when an amnesty was granted by virtue of
the Lomé Agreement and
it would be an abuse of process to allow the prosecution of any of the alleged
crimes pre-dating the
Lomé Agreement.
- The
Prosecution put its opposition to the Preliminary Motions in several ways. The
Prosecution argues that the Special Court is bound
by Article 10 of its Statute
and that the Lomé Agreement, being an agreement between two national
bodies, is limited in effect
to domestic law and was, in any event, not intended
to cover crimes mentioned in Articles 2 to 4 of the Statute of the Special Court
(“Statute”).
[13] Furthermore, it is contended that
given the gravity of the crimes charged, discretion should not be exercised to
grant a stay of
proceedings on the basis that there has been an abuse of process
of the Court.
B. Historical
Background
- It
is commonly said, though no such factual finding is made and can be made at this
stage, that on 23 March 1991 forces of the Revolutionary
United Front (RUF)
entered Sierra Leone from Liberia and launched a rebellion to overthrow the
one-party rule of the All Peoples’
Congress (APC). That was believed to be
the beginning of the armed conflict in Sierra Leone which lasted until 7 July
1999 when the
parties to the conflict signed the Lomé Agreement. There
was an earlier peace agreement between the Government of Sierra Leone
and RUF
signed in Abidjan on 30 November 1996 (“Abidjan Peace
Agreement”)[14]
but that collapsed soon after it was signed.
- On
7 July 1999 the Lomé Agreement was signed between the Government of
Sierra Leone and the RUF, the parties to the Agreement
having met in
Lomé, Togo from 25 May 1999 to 7 July 1999 under the auspices of the
Chairman of ECOWAS at the time, President
Gnassingbe Eyadema.
- Among
other things, the parties to the Lomé Agreement stated that they were
moved “by the imperative need to meet the
desire of the people of Sierra
Leone for a definitive settlement of the fratricidal war in their country and
for genuine national
unity and
reconciliation”.[15]
- Article
34 of the Lomé Agreement shows that the Government of the Togolese
Republic, the United Nations, the OAU, ECOWAS and
the Commonwealth of Nations
stood as moral guarantors of the implementation of the Lomé Agreement
with integrity and in good
faith by both
parties.
C. Article 9 of the Lomé
Agreement
- At
the centre of these proceedings is Article 9 of the Lomé Agreement which
provides as follows:
ARTICLE IX
PARDON AND AMNESTY
- In
order to bring lasting peace to Sierra Leone, the Government of Sierra Leone
shall take appropriate legal steps to grant Corporal
Foday Sankoh absolute and
free pardon.
- After
the signing of the present Agreement, the Government of Sierra Leone shall also
grant absolute and free pardon and reprieve
to all combatants and collaborators
in respect of anything done by them in pursuit of their objectives, up to the
time of the signing
of the present Agreement.
- To
consolidate the peace and promote the cause of national reconciliation, the
Government of Sierra Leone shall ensure that no official
or judicial action is
taken against any member of the RUF/SL, ex-AFRC, ex-SLA or CDF in respect of
anything done by them in pursuit
of their objectives as members of those
organisations since March 1991, up to the signing of the present Agreement. In
addition,
legislative and other measures necessary to guarantee immunity to
former combatants, exiles and other persons, currently outside
the country for
reasons related to the armed conflict shall be adopted ensuring the full
exercise of their civil and political rights,
with a view to their reintegration
within a framework of full legality.
-
By a letter dated 12 June 2000 written to the President of the Security Council
by the President of Sierra Leone on behalf of the
Government and people of
Sierra
Leone,[16]
the President of Sierra Leone requested the President of the Security Council to
initiate a process whereby the United Nations would
resolve on the setting up of
a Special Court for Sierra Leone.
-
That letter reads as follows:
12 June 2000
On behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Sierra Leone, I
write to request you to initiate a process whereby the
United Nations would
resolve on the setting up of a special court for Sierra Leone. The purpose of
such a court is to try and bring
to credible justice those members of the
Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and their accomplices responsible for
committing crimes
against the people of Sierra Leone and for the taking of
United Nations peacekeepers as hostages. This necessitates the establishment
of
a strong court in order to bring and maintain peace and security in Sierra Leone
and the West African subregion. For this purpose,
I request assistance from the
United Nations Security Council in establishing a strong and credible court that
will meet the objectives
of bringing justice and ensuring lasting peace. To
achieve this, a quick response from the Secretary-General and the Security
Council
is necessary.
As you are aware, the atrocities committed by the RUF in this country for
nearly 10 years in its campaign of terror have been described
generally as the
worst in the history of civil conflicts. In July 1999, my Government and the
leadership of the RUF signed the Lomé
Peace Agreement. The aim of this
Agreement was to bring peace and a permanent cessation to those atrocities and
the conflict. As
a prize for such peace, my Government even conceded to the
granting of total amnesty to the RUF leadership and its members in respect
of
all the acts of terrorism committed by them up to the date of the signing of
that Peace Agreement.
But the RUF leadership have since reneged on that Agreement, and have
resumed their atrocities, which have always had as their targets
mainly
civilians, including women and children. They still murder and amputate them and
use the women and girls as sex slaves. Lately,
they have abducted over 500
United Nations peacekeepers and seized their arms, weapons and uniforms, and
even killed some of the
peacekeepers. This is in spite of a provision in the
Lomé Peace Agreement itself requiring both my Government and the RUF
to
ensure the safety of these peacekeepers. In the process, the RUF have committed
crimes against Sierra Leonean and international
law and it is my
Government’s view that the issue of individual accountability of the
leadership of the RUF for such crimes
should be addressed immediately and that
it is only by bringing the RUF leadership and their collaborators to justice in
the way
now requested that peace and national reconciliation and the
strengthening of democracy will be assured in Sierra Leone.
I am aware of similar efforts made by the United Nations to respond to
similar crimes against humanity in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia.
I ask that
similar considerations be given to this request.
I believe that crimes of the magnitude committed by the RUF in this country
are of concern to all persons in the world, as they greatly
diminish respect for
international law and for the most basic human rights. It is my hope that the
United Nations and the international
community can assist the people of Sierra
Leone in bringing to justice those responsible for those grave crimes.
Because of the sensitivity aroused in Sierra Leone and around the world by
the activities of the RUF and their collaborators and
the need to dispose of the
matters to be tried at the proposed tribunal without delay, I am inviting you or
the Security Council
to send to Sierra Leone immediately a rapid response team
of inquiry to assess the needs and concerns regarding my Government’s
ability to provide effective, secure, fair and credible justice.
With regard to the magnitude and extent of the crimes committed, Sierra
Leone does not have the resources or expertise to conduct
trials for such
crimes. This is one of the consequences of the civil conflict, which has
destroyed the infrastructure, including
the legal and judicial infrastructure,
of this country. Also, there are gaps in Sierra Leonean criminal law as it does
not encompass
such heinous crimes as those against humanity and some of the
gross human rights abuses committed by the RUF. It is my view, therefore,
that,
unless a court such as that now requested is established here to administer
international justice and humanitarian law, it
will not be possible to do
justice to the people of Sierra Leone or to the United Nations peacekeepers who
fell victim to hostage-taking.
I attach hereto a suggested framework for the type of court intended (see
enclosure). As you can see, the framework is meant to produce
a court that will
meet international standards for the trial of criminal cases while at the same
time having a mandate to administer
a blend of international and domestic Sierra
Leonean law on Sierra Leonean soil.
(Signed) Alhaji Ahmad Tejan Kabbah
President
of the Republic of Sierra Leone
- After
reiterating that “the situation in Sierra Leone continues to constitute a
threat to international peace and security in
the
region”[17] and
expressing “concern at the very serious crimes committed within the
territory of Sierra Leone against the people of Sierra
Leone and United Nations
and associated personnel and at the prevailing situation of
impunity”[18]
the Security Council adopted Resolution 1315 (2000), on its own independent
assessment of the situation, whereby the Secretary-General
was mandated to
negotiate an agreement with the Government of Sierra Leone to create an
independent special court consistent with
the resolution.
- In
a clause in the Preamble to Resolution 1315, the Security Council reaffirmed the
importance of compliance with international humanitarian
law; that persons who
commit or authorise serious violations of international humanitarian law are
individually responsible and accountable
for those violations; and that the
international community will exert every effort to bring those responsible
to justice in accordance with international standards of justice, fairness and
due process of
law.[19] The
establishment of the Special Court was thus an implementation of the
determination of the Security Council to bring those responsible
for serious
violations of international humanitarian law to justice.
D. The Special Court for Sierra
Leone
- On
16 January 2002, after a successful negotiation between the Secretary-General
and the Government of Sierra Leone, an agreement
was entered into by the United
Nations and the Government of Sierra Leone whereby the Special Court for Sierra
Leone was established
(“Agreement”).[20]
- The
Special Court was established for the sole purpose of prosecuting persons who
bear the greatest responsibility for serious violations
of international
humanitarian law and Sierra Leonean law committed in the territory of Sierra
Leone since 30 November 1996. The competence
of the Special Court was extended
in its Statute by the addition in Article 1 of the words “including those
leaders who, in
committing such crimes, have threatened the establishment of and
implementation of the peace process in Sierra Leone.”
- The
Special Court, though established by an agreement between the United Nations and
the Government of Sierra Leone, is an autonomous
and independent institution
vested with juridical capacity by Article 11 of the Agreement. The involvement
of the Government of Sierra
Leone in the Special Court after its establishment
is defined by the Agreement. It is limited to participation in the appointment
of judges, prosecutor and deputy prosecutor, as provided, respectively, in
Articles 2 and 3 of the Agreement, and participation in
the Management Committee
as provided for in Article 7 of the Agreement. The Sierra Leone Government
undertook certain responsibilities
of a non-managerial nature in regard to the
Special Court, such as an obligation to assist in the provision of premises for
the Court,
and such utilities, facilities and other services as may be necessary
for its operation;[21]
to grant immunity and inviolability to counsel of a suspect or an accused as
provided for in Article 14; and to co-operate with the
Special Court as provided
for in Article 17.
- The
Statute of the Special Court defined the jurisdiction of the Court as
follows:
Article 1: Competence of the Special Court
- The
Special Court shall, except as provided in subparagraph (2), have the power to
prosecute persons who bear the greatest responsibility
for serious violations of
international humanitarian law and Sierra Leonean law committed in the territory
of Sierra Leone since
30 November 1996, including those leaders who, in
committing such crimes, have threatened the establishment of and implementation
of the peace process in Sierra Leone.
- Any
transgressions by peacekeepers and related personnel present in Sierra Leone
pursuant to the Status of Mission Agreement in force
between the United Nations
and the Government of Sierra Leone or agreements between Sierra Leone and other
Governments or regional
organizations, or, in the absence of such agreement,
provided that the peacekeeping operations were undertaken with the consent of
the Government of Sierra Leone, shall be within the primary jurisdiction of the
sending State.
- In
the event the sending State is unwilling or unable genuinely to carry out an
investigation or prosecution, the Court may, if authorized
by the Security
Council on the proposal of any State, exercise jurisdiction over such
persons.
Article 2: Crimes against humanity
The Special Court shall have the power to prosecute persons who committed the
following crimes as part of a widespread or systematic
attack against any
civilian population:
- Murder;
- Extermination;
- Enslavement;
- Deportation;
- Imprisonment;
- Torture;
- Rape,
sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy and any other form of
sexual violence;
- Persecution
on political, racial, ethnic or religious grounds;
- Other
inhumane acts.
Article 3: Violations of Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions
and of Additional Protocol II
The Special Court shall have the power to prosecute persons who committed or
ordered the commission of serious violations of article
3 common to the Geneva
Conventions of 12 August 1949 for the Protection of War Victims, and of
Additional Protocol II thereto of
8 June 1977. These violations shall
include:
- Violence
to life, health and physical or mental well-being of persons, in particular
murder as well as cruel treatment such as torture,
mutilation or any form of
corporal punishment;
b. Collective punishments;
c. Taking of hostages;
d. Acts of terrorism;
- Outrages
upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment, rape,
enforced prostitution and any form of indecent
assault;
f.
Pillage;
- The
passing of sentences and the carrying out of executions without previous
judgement pronounced by a regularly constituted court,
affording all the
judicial guarantees which are recognized as indispensable by civilized peoples;
h. Threats to commit any of the foregoing acts.
Article 4: Other serious violations of international humanitarian law
The Special Court shall have the power to prosecute persons who committed the
following serious violations of international humanitarian
law:
- Intentionally
directing attacks against the civilian population as such or against individual
civilians not taking direct part in
hostilities;
- Intentionally
directing attacks against personnel, installations, material, units or vehicles
involved in a humanitarian assistance
or peacekeeping mission in accordance with
the Charter of the United Nations, as long as they are entitled to the
protection given
to civilians or civilian objects under the international law of
armed conflict;
- Conscripting
or enlisting children under the age of 15 years into armed forces or groups or
using them to participate actively in
hostilities.
Article 5: Crimes
under Sierra Leonean law
The Special Court shall have the power to prosecute persons who have
committed the following crimes under Sierra Leonean law:
- Offences
relating to the abuse of girls under the Prevention of Cruelty to Children Act,
1926 (Cap. 31):
(i) Abusing a girl under 13 years of age, contrary
to section 6;
(ii) Abusing a girl between 13 and 14 years of age, contrary to section
7;
(iii) Abduction of a girl for immoral purposes, contrary to section 12.
- Offences
relating to the wanton destruction of property under the Malicious Damage Act,
1861:
(i) Setting fire to dwelling - houses, any person being
therein, contrary to section 2;
(ii) Setting fire to public buildings, contrary to sections 5 and 6;
(iii) Setting fire to other buildings, contrary to section 6.
E. The Three Phases of the Sierra Leone
Situation
- It
is evident from the brief historical background that the events starting from
the launching of the rebellion in March 1991 and
ending with the establishment
of the Special Court, described here as ‘the Sierra Leone
situation’, have three discernible
phases, namely: (1) the phase of armed
conflict; (2) the Peace Agreement phase and (3) the Justice phase. There are
legal perspectives
which have some bearing on the issues raised by the
Preliminary Motions to each of these phases of the Sierra Leone situation.
-
It must be assumed, since the facts of the case have not been gone into, that
the phase of armed conflict was of such a degree as to be
recognised as an insurgency, passing beyond the threshold of a rebellion that
could be dealt with internally
as a matter of domestic security and to be
regulated by domestic law, to a level of conflict that had to be regulated by
Common Article
3 of the Geneva Conventions. The parties, whether from the
Government side or the insurgents, were thereby subjected to the obligations
imposed by international law in a situation of internal armed conflict. The
competence of the Special Court to prosecute persons
who committed violations of
Common Article 3 is the basis of that assumption.
- The
Peace Agreement Phase signifies the end of the armed conflict by means of a
peaceful settlement. One legal consequence of that phase is that international
humanitarian law would normally cease to be applicable to any act of violence in
the peace period unless, notwithstanding what would
have been regarded as a
peaceful resolution, one party or both parties, in breach thereof, continued the
armed conflict. Presumably,
it is in further protection of the peace process
that the competence of the Special Court includes in Article 1(1) of the Statute
the prosecution of “those leaders who, in committing such crimes, have
threatened the establishment of and implementation of
the peace process in
Sierra Leone.” Thereby, impunity is denied to any such person,
notwithstanding that there had been a
peace agreement which constituted some
sort of peaceful resolution of the conflict.
-
The Justice Phase is that phase in which participants in the armed
conflict have to answer for crimes committed in the course of the armed
conflict.
The justice phase itself involves separating what is in the exclusive
domain of the municipal authority to be resolved under municipal
law from what
is in the concurrent jurisdiction of that authority and of the international
community to be resolved by application
purely of international
law.
F. Prosecutorial Choice of Sierra
Leone
- Whether
to prosecute the perpetrators of rebellion for their act of rebellion and
challenge to the constituted authority of the State
as a matter of internal law
is for the state authority to decide. There is no rule against rebellion in
international
law.[22]
The State concerned may decide to prosecute the rebels. It may decide to pardon
them, generally or partially, conditionally or unconditionally.
It is where, and
in this case because, the conduct of the participants in the armed conflict is
alleged to amount to international
crime that the question arises whether in
such a situation a State has the same choice to dispense with the prosecution of
the alleged
offenders. Furthermore, if it claims to have such choice and
exercises it to grant amnesty to alleged offenders, does this conclusively
bar
prosecution for the alleged commission of grave crimes against humanity in an
international tribunal or, for that matter, by
another state claiming universal
jurisdiction to prosecute?
- The
Preliminary Motions with which this ruling is concerned arose because the
Government of Sierra Leone included in the Lomé
Agreement Article IX
which contained ‘Pardon and Amnesty’ provisions in terms already
stated above, whereby, among other
things, it undertook to “grant absolute
and free pardon and reprieve to all combatants and collaborators” and
undertook
also to “ensure that no official or judicial action is taken
against any member of the RUF/SL, ex-AFRC, ex-SLA or CDF in respect of
anything done by them in pursuit of their objectives as members
of those
organizations”.[23]
The Motions argue, in effect, that the amnesty granted by the Lomé
Agreement in Article IX amounts to an unconditional pardon
and that, as such, it
was a choice validly made by the Sierra Leone Government that conclusively
precluded the prosecution of the
accused Kallon and Kamara for any crime
whatsoever allegedly committed before the date of the Lomé Agreement by
this Court.
- ARGUMENTS
OF THE PARTIES
- Counsel
for the accused Kallon made submissions on the following main
lines:[24]
- The
Lomé Accord was binding on the Government of Sierra Leone;
- The
abuse of process doctrine applies to proceedings before the Special Court and
crimes of a serious nature;
- Article
10 of the Special Court Statute is not a bar to the application of the abuse of
process doctrine;
- Not
all amnesties, including the Lomé Accord, are unlawful under
international law;
- Morris
Kallon acted in good faith pursuant to the Lomé Accord.
- It
is not necessary to approach the issues raised by the Preliminary Motions
strictly on those lines. It suffices to consider the
issues raised and to advert
to submissions made by counsel for the parties and by the amici curiae in
the discussion of those issues.
- The
submissions by counsel for Kallon on the Lomé Agreement proceeded on the
following lines: as part of the Agreement the
Government of Sierra Leone stated
that it would, in order to “consolidate the peace and promote the cause of
national reconciliation,”
ensure that “no official or judicial
action is taken against any member of the RUF/SL, ex-AFRC, ex-SLA or CDF in
respect of
anything done by them in pursuit of their objectives as members of
those organisations, since March 1991, up to the time of signing
the present
agreement”.[25]
- Defence
counsel for Kallon pointed out that the Lomé Accord was ratified by the
Parliament of Sierra Leone on 15 July 1999
with the passage of the Lomé
Peace Agreement (Ratification) Act, 1999 ("Lomé
Act").[26] According
to the Defence, since the Preamble to the Lomé Act states that as the
Lomé Agreement contained provisions
which “alter the law of Sierra
Leone and impose a charge on the Consolidated Fund and other funds of Sierra
Leone” it
was necessary for Parliament to ratify it pursuant to Section
40(4) of the Constitution of Sierra Leone, 1991 (“The
Constitution”).
Such ratification is only required by Section 40(4) of the
Constitution where the President has entered a “Treaty, Agreement,
or
Convention” in the name of Sierra Leone. Thus, according to the Defence,
the Lomé Accord is governed by the 1969
Vienna Convention on the Law of
Treaties.[27]
- Defence
Counsel for Kallon argued that the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General ("SRSG") purportedly appended a disclaimer
to the Lomé
Agreement to the effect that the UN did not recognise the validity of the
amnesty in respect of war crimes, crimes
against humanity or genocide. The
Defence argued that the Secretary-General's Report only states that an
instruction was given to
the SRSG - not that it was carried
out.[28] The Defence
observed that it is not clear when and how such a disclaimer was made - whether
orally or in writing at the time of signature
or indeed sometime after 7 July
1999. Although the Orentlicher Amicus Brief stated that the instructions
given to the SRSG to append a disclaimer were issued pursuant to policy
guidelines issued by the
UN Secretary-General to assist envoys and
representatives involved in peace
negotiations,[29] that
cannot be right according to Kallon’s defence. The Amicus Brief
implied that the policy was issued pursuant to a Statement of Secretary-General
Kofi Annan on 10 December 1999. Thus, the Defence
argued, it would appear that
the guidelines were formulated after the adoption of the Lomé Agreement,
perhaps in order to
avoid any repeat of the confusion or misunderstanding as to
the UN's position resulting from Lomé. The SRSG's disclaimer is
and was
limited to any action to be taken by the UN, and the Government of Sierra Leone
itself was expected to abide by and honour
the amnesty provision.
- The
Defence argued that at the time of signing the Lomé Agreement it was
widely accepted that the price of peace was an amnesty
for the warring factions,
as the various members of the Security Council explained when adopting
Resolution
1260.[30]
- The
Defence refers to the State Opening of Parliament (16 June 2000) where President
Kabbah said: “My Government for its part
remains committed to the
Lomé Peace Accord, but the RUF must now demonstrate its own commitment
and sincerity, in very practical
ways, to convince the people of this country
that they will implement the letter and spirit of the Accord and ensure lasting
peace
and prosperity in Sierra
Leone”.[31]
- Furthermore,
there was the statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission on
5 August 2003 as follows:
We had resisted the persuasion of the
international community for the exclusion of war crimes, crimes against humanity
and against
international humanitarian law from the applicability of the amnesty
provision in the Lomé Agreement. We did this deliberately....
Thus, we
put beyond the ability and outside the jurisdiction of our domestic courts power
over the prosecution of crimes committed
before the signing of the Lomé
Agreement since the amnesty granted amount [sic] to a constitutional bar to any
form of prosecution
in our domestic courts in respect of the offences
amnestied.[32]
- For
their part counsel for Fofana argued first, that the Lomé Agreement is an
agreement under international law because it
was signed by six states and a
number of international organisations as well as by the RUF which, it was
argued, was an entity subject
to rights and obligations which as de facto
authority possessed limited international personality; second, that obligations
arising from the Lomé Agreement, regarded
as a treaty, cannot be altered
by later treaties without the consent of the parties and, third, that
international law does not prohibit
the granting of
amnesties.[33]
- Counsel
for Gbao submitted in line with the submissions made by the other Defence
counsel that the Lomé Agreement created an
internationally binding
obligation not to prosecute the beneficiaries of the amnesty under the
Agreement.[34]
- The
Prosecution’s response was that the Lomé Agreement is not a treaty
but an agreement signed between two national bodies.
It was submitted that
others who signed the agreement did not do so as parties but as moral guarantors
who were facilitating and
supporting the conclusion of the Agreement; the
Lomé Agreement has no force under international law but was an agreement
which
had no legal basis until it was ratified by the enactment of the
Lomé Act which itself had force only as a domestic law; the
Lomé
Agreement is no longer effective in domestic law since the Lomé
Ratification Act had been impliedly repealed by
the enactment of the Special
Court (Ratification) Act 2002 (“the Implementing Legislation”); the
disclaimer by the SRSG
at the time of the signature of the Lomé Agreement
that Article IX shall not apply to international crimes of genocide, crimes
against humanity, war crimes and other serious violations of international
humanitarian law was a correct interpretation by the UN
of Article IX, and, on
that correct interpretation, the Lomé Agreement does not apply to the
prosecution of persons pursuant
to the Statute of the Special Court.
- In
the arguments presented by the Redress Trust (“Redress”) as
amicus curiae, it was submitted that the Special Court would in effect be
questioning a measure taken by the Security Council under Chapter VII
of the UN
Charter if it took it upon itself to review the validity of the exception of the
applicability of the Lomé amnesty
for serious international crimes that
was specifically requested in Resolution 1315. The amnesty granted by the
Government of Sierra
Leone cannot be interpreted as covering violations of
international humanitarian law. The Lomé amnesty was a domestic amnesty.
Premised on an obligation to prosecute or extradite persons accused of crimes
under international law, it was submitted that application
of an amnesty would
be an unlawful interference with that duty. Appended to the written submissions
of Redress are numerous useful
materials in support of the submissions.
- Professor
Diane Orentlicher who was invited as amicus curiae made useful and
extensive submissions which can be summarised as follows. As Article IX of the
Lomé Agreement addressed and
could have legal force in respect of the
national legal system of Sierra Leone only, the amnesty does not legally
circumscribe the
jurisdiction of the Special Court which has been established
outside the national court system and operates independently of the
Sierra
Leonean national system. Any amnesty that encompasses crimes against humanity,
serious war crimes, genocide or torture would
be of doubtful validity under
international law. However, Article IX of the Lomé Agreement was
addressed to the question of
prosecutions before national courts of Sierra
Leone. States cannot use domestic legislation to bar international criminal
liability.
- Professor
Orentlicher argued that there can be no amnesty where a treaty requires
prosecution, or has been interpreted or would be
likely to be interpreted by
their supervisory bodies as requiring state parties to investigate and, if
warranted, prosecute serious
violations.
- DISCUSSION
A.
The Status of the Lomé Agreement
- In
view of the submissions made and in order to put the issues in proper
perspective, the starting point is to determine the character
of the Lomé
Agreement. The Defence argues that it is an international agreement having the
character of a treaty. The Prosecution,
the amici curiae agreeing, argue
that it is an agreement within municipal law between two bodies within the
state.
- In
regard to the nature of a negotiated settlement of an internal armed conflict it
is easy to assume and to argue with some degree
of plausibility, as Defence
counsel for the defendants seem to have done, that the mere fact that in
addition to the parties to the
conflict, the document formalising the settlement
is signed by foreign heads of state or their representatives and representatives
of international organisations, means the agreement of the parties is
internationalised so as to create obligations in international
law.
- Indeed,
such argument finds support in the opinion of Professor
Kooijmans.[35] He used
as an example the peace accord of 1994 embodied in the Lusaka Protocol concluded
to end the armed conflict in Angola. The
Lusaka Protocol was signed by the
Presidents of the Republic of Angola and of UNITA and by the SRSG of the UN as
mediator in the
presence of the representatives of the observer states, the
United States, Russia and Portugal. Admittedly, the Lusaka Protocol was
not an
inter-state agreement. However, upon UNITA failing to comply with the agreement,
the Security Council by Resolution 1127 (1997)
ordered mandatory travel
sanctions to be imposed on senior UNITA officials; and if UNITA continued its
obstruction the Council would
take further measures such as trade and financial
restrictions. The Council emphasised the “urgent need for the Government
of Angola and in particular UNITA to complete without further delay the
implementation of their obligations under the...Lusaka Protocol...and
the
relevant Security Council
resolutions”[36]
and deplored the failure by UNITA to comply with its obligations under the
relevant peace accords (of which the Lusaka Protocol was
one) and the Security
Council resolutions. It then demanded that UNITA implement its obligations under
the Lusaka Protocol. The Council
determined that the resulting situation in
Angola constituted a threat to international peace and security in the region,
and in
consequence acted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter in the measures it
took. Upon these facts, Kooijmans was of the opinion as
follows in regard to the
Lusaka Protocol and the obligation it created:
The fact that it is
concluded between a government and an insurrectionist party does not in itself
detract from its international
character. The United Nations as an organization
of states has been deeply involved in the conflict, peace keeping forces have
been
deployed, the Secretary-General through his Special Representative has
continuously mediated. If a settlement is reached which is
co-signed by the
Secretary-General’s Representative, the non-state entity must be assumed
not only to have committed itself
to its counterpart, the Government but also to
the United
Nations.[37]
- It
is manifest that the learned commentator assumed that the Lusaka Protocol,
though not in the form of a ‘genuine international
instrument’ drew
its ‘internationalised character’ from the factors he stated in the
passage above. It is difficult
to agree with this conclusion. The role of the
UN as a mediator of peace, the presence of a peace-keeping force which generally
is by consent of the State and the mediation efforts of the Secretary-General
cannot add up to a source of obligation to the international
community to
perform an agreement to which the UN is not a party. As will be seen, action
taken by the Security Council upon failure
of a party to implement the peace
agreement derives from Chapter VII of the UN Charter and not from the peace
agreement.
- Almost
every conflict resolution will involve the parties to the conflict and the
mediator or facilitator of the settlement, or persons
or bodies under whose
auspices the settlement took place but who are not at all parties to the
conflict, are not contracting parties
and who do not claim any obligation from
the contracting parties or incur any obligation from the settlement.
- In
this case, the parties to the conflict are the lawful authority of the State and
the RUF which has no status of statehood and is
to all intents and purposes a
faction within the state. The non-contracting signatories of the Lomé
Agreement were moral guarantors
of the principle that, in the terms of Article
XXXIV of the Agreement, “this peace agreement is implemented with
integrity
and in good faith by both parties”. The moral guarantors assumed
no legal obligation. It is recalled that the UN by its representative
appended,
presumably for avoidance of doubt, an understanding of the extent of the
agreement to be implemented as not including certain
international crimes.
- An
international agreement in the nature of a treaty must create rights and
obligations regulated by international law so that a breach
of its terms will be
a breach determined under international law which will also provide principle
means of enforcement. The Lomé
Agreement created neither rights nor
obligations capable of being regulated by international law. An agreement such
as the Lomé
Agreement which brings to an end an internal armed conflict
no doubt creates a factual situation of restoration of peace that the
international community acting through the Security Council may take note of.
That, however, will not convert it to an international
agreement which creates
an obligation enforceable in international, as distinguished from municipal,
law. A breach of the terms
of such a peace agreement resulting in resumption of
internal armed conflict or creating a threat to peace in the determination of
the Security Council may indicate a reversal of the factual situation of peace
to be visited with possible legal consequences arising
from the new situation of
conflict created. Such consequences such as action by the Security Council
pursuant to Chapter VII arise
from the situation and not from the agreement,
nor from the obligation imposed by it. Such action cannot be regarded as a
remedy
for the breach. A peace agreement which settles an internal armed
conflict cannot be ascribed the same status as one which settles
an
international armed conflict which, essentially, must be between two or more
warring States. The Lomé Agreement cannot
be characterised as an
international instrument. That it does not have that character does not,
however, answer the further question
whether, as far as grave crimes such as are
stated in Articles 2 to 4 of the Statute of the Court are concerned, it offers
any promise
that is permissible or enforceable in international law.
- It
was argued by Defence counsel that since the Lomé Agreement was ratified
by the Parliament of Sierra Leone pursuant to the
proviso to sub-section 4 of
section 40 of the Constitution, it is a treaty or an agreement in the nature of
a treaty. Subsection
4 of section 40 of the Constitution provided
that:
... any Treaty, Agreement or Convention executed by or under
the authority of the President which relates to any matter within the
legislative competence of Parliament, or which in any way alters the law of
Sierra Leone or imposes any charge on, or authorises
any expenditure out of, the
Consolidated Fund or any other fund of Sierra Leone, and any declaration of war
made by the President
shall be subject to ratification by Parliament.
- The
application of that sub-section to the Lomé Agreement does not make the
agreement a treaty or an international agreement.
There is nothing obnoxious in
construing the word “Agreement” in section 40 in its primary and
natural sense which may
not necessarily imply an international agreement.
Besides, what is a treaty or an international agreement is not determined by the
classification of a transaction by a State, but by whether the agreement is
regarded as such under international law and regulated
by international law.
B. Do insurgents have treaty-making
capacity?
- Notwithstanding
the absence of unanimity among international lawyers as to the basis of the
obligation of insurgents to observe the
provisions of Common Article 3 to the
Geneva
Conventions,[38] there
is now no doubt that this article is binding on States and insurgents alike and
that insurgents are subject to international
humanitarian law. That fact,
however, does not by itself invest the RUF with international personality under
international law.
- Common
Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions recognises the existence of “Parties
to the conflict”. The penultimate sentence
of Common Article 3 provides
that: “The parties to the conflict should further endeavour to bring into
force, by means of special
agreements, all or part of the other provisions of
the present Convention”. But the final clause of Common Article 3 also
provides
that “[t]he application of the preceding provisions shall not
affect the legal status of the Parties to the conflict.”
It has been
explained that the penultimate sentence “underlines the fact that parties
to an internal conflict are bound only
to observe Article 3, remaining free to
disregard the entirety of the remaining provisions in each of the
Convention”[39]
and that the final clause indicates that the insurgents may still be made
subject to the State’s municipal criminal jurisdiction.
In an
authoritative book on international law the view was expressed
that:
a range of factors needs to be carefully examined before it
can be determined whether an entity has international personality and,
if so,
what right, duties and competences apply in the particular case. Personality is
a relative phenomenon varying with the
circumstances.[40]
- It
suffices to say, for the purpose of the present case, that no one has suggested
that insurgents are bound because they have been
vested with personality in
international law of such a nature as to make it possible for them to be a party
to the Geneva Conventions.
Rather, a convincing theory is that they are bound as
a matter of international customary law to observe the obligations declared
by
Common Article 3 which is aimed at the protection of humanity. No doubt, the
Sierra Leone Government regarded the RUF as an entity
with which it could enter
into an agreement. However, there is nothing to show that any other State had
granted the RUF recognition
as an entity with which it could enter into legal
relations or that the Government of Sierra Leone regarded it as an entity other
than a faction within Sierra Leone.
- Although
a degree of organisation of the insurgents may be a factor in determining
whether the factual situation of internal armed
conflict existed, the
distinction must be borne in mind between the factual question whether the
insurgents are sufficiently organised
and the question of law, with which the
issue in these proceedings is concerned, whether as between them and the
legitimate government
international law regarded them as having treaty-making
capacity. International law does not seem to have vested them with such
capacity.
The RUF had no treaty-making capacity so as to make the Lomé
Agreement an international agreement.
- The
conclusion seems to follow clearly that the Lomé Agreement is neither a
treaty nor an agreement in the nature of a treaty.
However, it does not need to
have that character for it to be capable of creating binding obligations and
rights between the parties
to the agreement in municipal law. The consequence of
its not being a treaty or an agreement in the nature of a treaty is that it
does
not create an obligation in international law.
- The
validity of Article IX of the Lomé Agreement in the municipal law of
Sierra Leone is not of prime importance in these proceedings
since the challenge
to its validity had not been based on municipal law. It is expedient for this
Court to confine itself to the
limited questions that arise in regard to Article
IX of the Lomé Agreement. These are, ultimately, whether in international
law it bars this Court from exercising jurisdiction over the defendants in
regard to crimes against humanity allegedly committed
by them before the date of
the Lomé Agreement, and whether it provides materials that are grounds
for this Court to exercise
a discretion to stay the proceedings as being an
abuse of process.
C. Legal Consequence of
Article 10 of the Statute
- In
these proceedings the validity of the constitutive instruments of the Special
Court is not in issue. They are the documents that
define the competence and
jurisdiction of the Court and the provisions with which this Court is bound to
comply. The purpose for
which the Special Court is established, the nature of
the Court as an autonomous, independent institution, and the jurisdiction of
the
Court have been discussed in paragraphs 12-15 above.
- The
constitutive document of the Special Court (the Agreement) with the Statute of
the Court annexed to and forming part of it, is
a treaty.
- Article
1(1) of the Statute of the Special Court spells out the temporal jurisdiction of
the Court while Article 10 expressly provides:
An amnesty granted to
any person falling within the jurisdiction of the Special Court in respect of
crimes referred to in Articles
2 to 4 of the present Statute shall not be a bar
to prosecution.
- Counsel
for Kallon submitted that notwithstanding Article 10, this Court should exercise
a discretion to stay the proceedings as being
an abuse of process of the Court.
The amnesty is thus not pleaded only as a legal bar to
prosecution.[41]
- Counsel
for Kallon put his submissions, summarised, thus: The claim by the Prosecution
and Redress that Article 10 closes the door
on any consideration of the
applicability of the Lomé Accord to proceedings before the Special Court
should not be accepted.
The Special Court of Sierra Leone is a
‘hybrid’ court, established pursuant to an agreement between the UN
and the Government
of Sierra Leone. Thus, it could not have been established
without the consent and agreement of the Government of Sierra Leone. If
the
Special Court were a truly international tribunal, established by Security
Council Resolution (as in the case of the International
Criminal Tribunals for
Rwanda and the Former Yugoslavia), it is accepted that the actions of the
Government of Sierra Leone and the
amnesty would be of no relevance. This was
confirmed by the Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia
(ICTY) in Prosecutor v.
Furundzija[42] in
which it was held that a domestic amnesty law would not prevent prosecution for
torture before the ICTY or indeed in any other
foreign jurisdiction.
Furundzija did not consider, and is silent on, the circumstances in which
it could be an abuse of process to prosecute torture in a domestic
court after
an undertaking that no criminal prosecution would ensue. In Furundzija
the Trial Chamber set out the jurisdictions in which an individual could be
prosecuted for torture following an amnesty: (i) international
tribunal, (ii)
foreign State, or (iii) in their own State under a subsequent
regime.[43]
- Counsel
for Kallon went on to argue that in the Lomé Accord, the Government of
Sierra Leone clearly undertook to “ensure
that no official or judicial
action is taken against any member of the
RUF/SL”.[44] The
Defence submitted that this would include acceding to an extradition request
which would require ‘judicial action’
and, moreover, that there can
be no doubt that the establishment of a Special Court to prosecute alleged
crimes committed in Sierra
Leone since 30 November 1996 amounts to both
‘official’ and ‘judicial’ action. Thus, according to the
Defence,
in engaging in negotiations with the UN and then ultimately concluding
an agreement with them for the establishment of the Special
Court, the
Government of Sierra Leone clearly reneged on its undertaking in the Lomé
Accord.
- The
Defence argued that Article 10 of the Special Court Statute is not a bar to the
Court considering whether the Government's actions
in establishing the Special
Court could render prosecution of those granted an amnesty an abuse of process.
In Prosecutor v. Dusko
Tadic,[45]
the ICTY Appeals Chamber rejected the Prosecution's claim that the ICTY lacked
authority to review its establishment by the Security
Council. The Special Court
must be able to do the same. The Defence submitted that as the Court is able to
review the lawfulness
of its own establishment it may similarly review the
applicability of any one provision within its Statute. It may certainly hold
that a provision of its Statute should not act as a bar to finding an abuse of
process of the court.
- It
was further argued that there was an inconsistent approach to amnesty in that
the temporal jurisdiction of the Special Court, pursuant
to Article 1(1) of the
Statute commenced on 30 November 1996, selected to coincide with the conclusion
of the Abidjan Peace Agreement,
whereas Article 14 of the Abidjan Agreement
granted an amnesty to all members of the RUF from any official or judicial
action being
taken against them. It was, therefore, contended that it was both
arbitrary and illogical of both the UN and the Government of Sierra
Leone to
appear to honour the terms of one agreement and respect the amnesty granted, but
not another.[46]
- Moreover,
the Defence speculated that the Office of the Prosecutor may have offered de
facto amnesty to certain individuals known by the Prosecution to have
committed offences similar to those alleged against Kallon. It was
speculated
whether such individuals had been offered immunity as a result of cooperation
with the Prosecution and after agreement
to act as Prosecution witnesses.
- For
his part, counsel for Gbao (intervening) submitted that the Special Court has
the jurisdiction to examine its own jurisdiction
and, therefore, the power to
determine whether it is bound by Article 10 of the Statute. Counsel argued that
Article 10 relates to
admissibility once jurisdiction is established. He
submitted that if the laws of the international community and the law of Sierra
Leone indicate that the Court does not have or should not exercise jurisdiction,
the Court can make a finding either way, notwithstanding
Article 10. The Special
Court as a mechanism for maintaining international peace and security as well as
national reconciliation,
not only has inherent jurisdiction to decline to
exercise jurisdiction where there has been an abuse of process of the court,
“but
also where there has been an abuse of the international legal
system”.[47] In
his submission, the Lomé Agreement created an internationally binding
obligation.
- THE
QUESTION CONSIDERED
- That
this court will normally not claim jurisdiction to exercise a power of review of
a treaty or treaty provisions on the ground
that it is unlawful seems
evident, except, perhaps in cases where it can be said that the provisions of
Article 53 or Article 64 of the Vienna Convention
on the Law of Treaties apply.
Article 53 reads:
A treaty is void, if at the time of its
conclusion, it conflicts with a peremptory norm of general international law.
For the purposes
of the present Convention, a peremptory norm of general
international law is a norm accepted and recognized by the international
community of states as a whole as a norm from which no derogation is permitted
and which can be modified only by a subsequent norm
of general international law
having the same character.
Article 64 reads:
If a new peremptory norm of general international law emerges, any existing
treaty which is in conflict with that norm becomes void
and terminates.
- This
court cannot question the validity of Article 10 of its Statute on the ground
that it is unlawful unless it can be shown that,
in the terms of Article 53 or
Article 64 of the Vienna Convention or of customary international law it is
void. That has not been
shown in this case. It may be pointed out at this stage
that the decision in Tadic upon which Kallon’s counsel relied as
authority for the submission that this Court can pronounce on the lawfulness of
its own
establishment is not apt. The ICTY is not a treaty-based Tribunal, nor
did the Tadic case involve the validity of the provisions of a treaty but
rather the extent of the powers of the Security Council, an authority
established by the UN Charter. Besides, the question may need to be revisited
when the occasion arises as to the legal basis of the
power of a body
purportedly established as a court to make a binding declaration that it
is not a court, when only a court legally established has jurisdiction to make
such declaration that would have
a binding force! The position would be
different were a court duly established to be called upon to declare the limits
of its powers.
- It
was argued by counsel for Kallon that by agreeing to Article 10 of the Statute,
the Government of Sierra Leone had reneged on the
undertaking in Article IX(2)
of the Lomé
Agreement.[48] In
interpreting the Lomé Agreement it must be presumed, on the basis of
effectiveness, that the Government of Sierra Leone
undertook only that which was
within its power to perform. In this sense “official and judicial
action” mentioned in
Article IX(2) of the Lomé Agreement must
relate to official and judicial action of Sierra Leone and not, as in this case,
of the international community. No reasonable tribunal will hold that the
Government of Sierra Leone has reneged on its undertaking
by agreeing to Article
10 of the Statute which is consistent with the developing norm of international
law and with the declaration
of the representative of the Secretary-General on
the execution of the Lomé Agreement. Besides, even if it can be said that
the Government of Sierra Leone had reneged on its undertaking, it would not be
valid ground for declaring the invalidity of Article
10. The grounds on which a
party to a treaty can challenge its validity, apart from the ground that it is
unlawful, are a manifest
violation of a rule of internal law of fundamental
importance, error, fraud, and corruption and coercion. These grounds operate as
vitiating the consent of the party impugning the validity of the treaty and must
be raised by the party who claims that its consent
had been vitiated. No such
grounds have been raised in this case in which the consent of Sierra Leone to
the treaty was itself the
grievance of the accused.
- It
is evident that no ground on which the validity of Article 10 of the Statute can
be impugned has been established. In the result,
the line of reasoning pursued
by counsel for the defendants and the intervening defendant, pursued to its
logical conclusion, would
lead to an absurd conclusion that although Article 10
is valid, since no ground on which its validity can be impugned has been
established,
this court, nevertheless, is not bound to comply with its
provisions, but should, regardless of and contrary to its provisions, hold
that
by reason of the undertaking of the Government of Sierra Leone to grant an
amnesty to the defendants, it has no jurisdiction
to try the defendants for
crimes committed before the date of the Agreement, or that it could exercise a
discretion to stay proceedings
on the ground that they amount to an abuse of
process of the Court.
- What
rightly falls for consideration is not whether the undertaking in the
Lomé Agreement made by the Government of Sierra
Leone to grant an amnesty
is binding on the Government of Sierra Leone, but whether such undertaking could
be effective in depriving
this Court of the jurisdiction conferred on it by the
treaty establishing it, and, if it could not be so effective, whether its
existence
is a ground for staying the proceedings by reason of the doctrine of
abuse of process.
- THE
LIMITS OF AMNESTY
- Black’s
Law Dictionary defines ‘amnesty’ in the following
terms:
A sovereign act of oblivion for past acts, granted by a
government to all persons (or to certain persons) who have been guilty of
crime
or delict, generally political offences, - treason, sedition, rebellion, - and
often conditioned upon their return to obedience
and duty within a prescribed
time.[49]
It is
also stated that:
Amnesty is the abolition and forgetfulness of the offence; pardon is
forgiveness. (Knote v. U.S. 95 U.S. 149, 152.) The first is usually
addressed to crimes against the sovereignty of the nation, to political
offences, the second
condones infractions of the peace of the nation.
(Burdick v. United States, 236 U.S. 79, 35 S. Ct. 267, 271, 59
L.Ed).[50]
- The
grant of amnesty or pardon is undoubtedly an exercise of sovereign power which,
essentially, is closely linked, as far as crime
is concerned, to the criminal
jurisdiction of the State exercising such sovereign power. Where jurisdiction is
universal,[51] a State
cannot deprive another State of its jurisdiction to prosecute the offender by
the grant of amnesty. It is for this reason
unrealistic to regard as universally
effective the grant of amnesty by a State in regard to grave international
crimes in which there
exists universal jurisdiction. A State cannot bring into
oblivion and forgetfulness a crime, such as a crime against international
law,
which other States are entitled to keep alive and remember.
- A
crime against international law has been defined as “an act committed with
intent to violate a fundamental interest protected
by international law or with
knowledge that the act would probably violate such an interest, and which may
not be adequately punished
by the exercise of the normal criminal jurisdiction
of any
state.”[52] In
re List and Others, the US Military Tribunal at Nuremberg defined
an international crime as: “such act universally recognized as criminal,
which
is considered a grave matter of international concern and for some valid
reason cannot be left within the exclusive jurisdiction
of the State that would
have control over it under ordinary
circumstances.”[53]
However, not every activity that is seen as an international crime is
susceptible to universal
jurisdiction.[54]
- The
question is whether the crimes within the competence of the Court are crimes
susceptible to universal jurisdiction. The crimes
mentioned in Articles
2–4 of the Statute are international crimes and crimes against humanity.
Indeed, no suggestion to the
contrary has been made by counsel. One of the most
recent decisions confirming the character of such crimes is the Tadić
Jurisdiction
Decision.[55] The
crimes under Sierra Leonean law mentioned in Article 5 do not fall into the
category of such crimes and are not mentioned in
Article 10.
- One
consequence of the nature of grave international crimes against humanity is that
States can, under international law, exercise
universal jurisdiction over such
crimes. In Attorney General of the Government of Israel v. Eichmann the
Supreme Court of Israel declared:
The abhorrent crimes defined in
this Law are not crimes under Israeli law alone. These crimes which struck at
the whole of mankind
and shocked the conscience of nations, are grave offences
against the law of nations itself (delicta juris gentium). Therefore, so
far from international law negating or limiting the jurisdiction of countries
with respect to such crimes, international
law is, in the absence of an
International Court, in need of the judicial and legislative organs of every
country to give effect
to its criminal interdictions and to bring the criminals
to trial. The jurisdiction to try crimes under international law is
universal.[56]
Also, in Congo v
Belgium[57] it was
held by the International Court of Justice that certain international tribunals
have jurisdiction over crimes under international
law. This viewpoint was
similarly held by the ICTY in
Furundzija.[58]
- After
reviewing international practice in regard to the effectiveness or otherwise of
amnesty granted by a State and the inconsistencies
in state practice as regards
the prohibition of amnesty for crimes against humanity, Cassese conceptualised
the status of international
practice thus:
There is not yet any
general obligation for States to refrain from amnesty laws on these crimes.
Consequently, if a State passes any
such law, it does not breach a customary
rule. Nonetheless if a court of another State having in custody persons accused
of international
crimes decide to prosecute them although in their national
State they would benefit from an amnesty law, such court would not thereby
act
contrary to general international law, in particular to the principle of respect
for the sovereignty of other
States.[59]
The opinion stated above is gratefully adopted. It is, therefore, not
difficult to agree with the submission made on behalf of Redress
that the
amnesty granted by Sierra Leone cannot cover crimes under international law that
are the subject of universal jurisdiction.
In the first place, it stands to
reason that a state cannot sweep such crimes into oblivion and forgetfulness
which other states
have jurisdiction to prosecute by reason of the fact that the
obligation to protect human dignity is a peremptory norm and has assumed
the
nature of obligation erga
omnes.[60]
- In
view of the conclusions that have been arrived at in paragraph 69, it is clear
that the question whether amnesty is unlawful under
international law becomes
relevant only in considering the question whether Article IX of the Lomé
Agreement can constitute
a legal bar to prosecution of the defendants by another
State or by an international tribunal. There being no such bar, the remaining
question is whether the undertaking contained in Article IX is good ground for
holding that the prosecution of the defendants is
an abuse of process of the
Court.
-
It is not difficult to agree with the submissions made by the amici
curiae, Professor Orentlicher and Redress that, given the existence of a
treaty obligation to prosecute or extradite an offender, the grant
of amnesty in
respect of such crimes as are specified in Articles 2 to 4 of the Statute of the
Court is not only incompatible with,
but is in breach of an obligation of a
State towards the international community as a
whole.[61] Nothing in
the submissions made by the Defence and the interveners detracts from that
conclusion. The case of Azapo v. President of the Republic of South
Africa[62] is
purely one dealt with under the domestic laws of South Africa. It was not a case
in which the jurisdiction of another State or
of an international court to
prosecute the offenders is denied. The decisive issues which have arisen in the
case before us did not
arise in that case.
- It
may well be noted that the President of Sierra Leone did acknowledge that
“there are gaps in Sierra Leonean law as it does
not encompass such
heinous crimes as those against humanity and some of the gross human rights
abuses
committed”[63]
and also that the intention of the amnesty granted was to put prosecution of
such offences outside the jurisdiction of national courts.
- ABUSE
OF PROCESS
- The
question of abuse of process arose because it was submitted on behalf of Kallon
that it would be an abuse of process of the Special
Court to permit the
prosecution of Kallon for alleged crimes pre-dating the Lomé Agreement.
This was an alternative position
taken by the defendants should the Court hold
that the amnesty granted by the Lomé Agreement did not bar prosecution of
the
defendants and the interveners. It was argued that notwithstanding the fact
that there may be jurisdiction to prosecute the defendants
and the interveners,
the Court should exercise discretion to stay proceedings on the ground that the
prosecution itself was in abuse
of process of the court.
- The
discretion to stay proceedings brought in abuse of the process of the Court in
appropriate cases is undoubted. It is a jurisdiction
that derives from what was
described in the Tadic Jurisdiction Decision as “the
‘incidental’ or ‘inherent’ jurisdiction which derives
automatically from
the exercise of the judicial
function.”[64]
The question in this case is not whether the Court has such discretionary power
but whether it is exercisable in this case.
- Counsel
on behalf of Kallon argues that it is, and he puts his argument in this manner:
It is settled law that any Court has an inherent
power to stay criminal
proceedings. In Barayagwiza the Appeals Chamber of the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) expressly acknowledged that “the abuse
of process
doctrine may be relied upon in two distinct situations: (1) where
delay has made a fair trial of the accused impossible; and (2)
where in the
circumstances of a particular case, proceeding with the trial of the accused
would contravene the court's sense of justice,
due to pre-trial impropriety or
misconduct.”[65]
In deciding to stay the proceedings against Barayagwiza, who was charged with
inter alia genocide and crimes against humanity, the
Appeals Chamber held:
The Tribunal - an institution whose primary purpose is to ensure
that justice is done - must not place its imprimatur on such violations.
To
allow the Appellant to be tried on the charges for which he was belatedly
indicted would be a travesty of justice. Nothing less
than the integrity of the
Tribunal is at stake in this case. Loss of public confidence in the Tribunal, as
a court valuing human
rights of all individuals - including those charged with
unthinkable crimes - would be among the most serious of consequences of
allowing
the Appellant to stand trial in the face of such violations of his
rights.[66]
Thus, according to the Defence, the abuse of process doctrine is applicable
to international crimes and is applied to serious crimes
in domestic courts. The
Defence argues that domestic courts have jurisdiction to try crimes akin to
those alleged in this case and
if an abuse of process occurred during domestic
proceedings for such crimes it would be unthinkable for a court to apply
different
principles to the case simply on account of the seriousness of the
allegations. According to the Defence, the abuse of process doctrine
clearly
applies to so called ‘international crimes’ for which there is a
duty to ‘extradite or prosecute’
in domestic courts.
- The
Prosecution’s response is that prosecution by the Court would not be an
abuse of the process of the Court because it could
not be an abuse of process to
comply with the express provisions of Article 10 of the Statute, particularly,
in the circumstances
that “(a) Article IX is of no effect in international
law; (b) has been repealed as a matter of national law to the extent that
it could apply to crimes under Articles 2 – 4 of the Special Court’s
Statute and (c) on its correct
interpretation does not even apply to crimes
under Articles 2 – 4 of the Special Court’s
Statute.”[67]
- At
the root of the doctrine of abuse of process is fairness. The fairness that is
involved is not fairness in the process of adjudication
itself but fairness in
the use of the machinery of justice. The consideration is not only about
unfairness to the party complaining
but also whether to permit such use of the
machinery of justice will bring the administration of justice into disrepute. In
A. G. of Trinidad and Tobago v
Phillip[68]
the Privy Council said, rightly:
The common law has now
developed a formidable safeguard to protect persons from being prosecuted in
circumstances where it would be
seriously unjust to do so. It could well be an
abuse of process to seek to prosecute those who have relied on an offer of
promise
of a pardon and complied with the conditions subject to which that offer
or promise was made. If there were not circumstances justifying
the state in not
fulfilling the terms of its offer or promise, then the courts could well
intervene to prevent injustices: see Reg. v. Mines and Green [1983] 33
S.A.S.R. 211.
- Where
there is an express provision of a statute that a tribunal shall not take into
consideration a fact or an event as ground for
declining to exercise its
jurisdiction (other than a fact or event that affects the fairness of the trial
itself as to constitute
a violation of the right to fair hearing), such tribunal
will be acting unlawfully if it circumvents the express provision of the
statute
under the guise of an inherent discretionary power. Article 10 of the Statute
which provides that amnesty granted to any
person falling within the
jurisdiction of the Special Court in respect of the crimes referred to in
articles 2 to 4 of the present
Statute shall not be a bar to prosecution is an
express limitation on an exercise of the discretion of the Court to bar
proceedings
solely on the strength of such amnesty.
- It
must be stated, though no one has so suggested, that there was no bad faith in
the inclusion of Article 10 in the Statute. There
was the clear statement in the
preamble to Resolution 1315 (2000) of the Security Council that “[t]he
Special representative
of the Secretary-General appended to his signature of the
Lomé Agreement a statement that the United Nations holds the
understanding
that the amnesty provisions of the Agreement shall not apply to
international crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes
and other
serious violations of international humanitarian law”. There was also the
statement earlier referred to by the President
of Sierra Leone that the amnesty
was intended to be effective only in regard to the national courts.
- The
submission by the Prosecution that there is a “crystallising international
norm that a government cannot grant amnesty for
serious violations of crimes
under international law” is amply supported by materials placed before
this Court. The opinion
of both amici curiae that it has crystallised may
not be entirely correct, but that is no reason why this court in forming its own
opinion should ignore
the strength of their argument and the weight of materials
they place before the Court. It is accepted that such a norm is developing
under
international law. Counsel for Kallon submitted that there is, as yet, no
universal acceptance that amnesties are unlawful
under international law, but,
as amply pointed out by Professor Orentlicher, there are several treaties
requiring prosecution for
such crimes. These include the 1948 Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide,[69] the
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment,[70] and
the four Geneva
conventions.[71] There
are also quite a number of resolutions of the UN General Assembly and the
Security Council reaffirming a state obligation to
prosecute or bring to
justice. Redress has appended to its written submissions materials which include
relevant conclusions of the
Committee against torture, findings of the Human
Rights Commission, and relevant judgments of the Inter-American Court.
- Professor
Orentlicher cautiously concluded that “to the extent that the amnesty
encompasses crimes against humanity, serious
war crimes, torture and other gross
violations of human rights its validity is highly
doubtful”.[72]
She was, however, emphatic in her opinion that the amnesty contravenes the
United Nation’s commitment to combating impunity
for atrocious
international crimes.
- Even
if the opinion is held that Sierra Leone may not have breached customary law in
granting an amnesty, this court is entitled in
the exercise of its discretionary
power, to attribute little or no weight to the grant of such amnesty which is
contrary to the direction
in which customary international law is developing and
which is contrary to the obligations in certain treaties and conventions the
purpose of which is to protect humanity.
- Upon
its establishment the Special Court assumed an independent existence and is not
an agency of either of the parties which executed
the Agreement establishing the
Court. It is described as ‘hybrid’ or of ‘mixed
jurisdiction’ because of the
nature of the laws it is empowered to apply.
Its description as hybrid should not be understood as denoting that it is part
of two
or more legal systems. Prosecutions are not made in the name of Sierra
Leone which plays no part in initiating or terminating prosecution
and has no
control whatsoever over the Prosecutor who exercises an independent judgement in
his prosecutorial decision. The understanding
of the United Nations in signing
the Lomé Agreement is that the amnesty granted therein will not extend to
such crimes covered
by Articles 2 to 4 of the Statute of the Court. The
understanding of Sierra Leone from the statement made on the inauguration of
the
Truth Commission was that the amnesty affected only prosecutions before national
courts. All these are consistent with the provisions
of Article 10 of the
Statute and the universal jurisdiction of other states by virtue of the nature
of the crime to prosecute the
offenders. All these are factors which make the
prayer that proceedings be stayed by reason of abuse of process untenable.
- SUMMARY
OF CONCLUSIONS
- The
Lomé Agreement is not a treaty or an agreement in the nature of a treaty.
The rights and obligations it created are to
be regulated by the domestic laws
of Sierra Leone. In the result, whether it is binding on the Government of
Sierra Leone or not
does not affect the liability of the accused to be
prosecuted in an international tribunal for international crimes such as those
contained in Articles 2 to 4 of the Statute of the Court.
- The
validity of Article 10 of the Statute has not been successfully impugned. That
Article is an express statutory limitation on the
discretion of the Court to
decline jurisdiction on the sole ground that an amnesty has been granted to a
defendant.
- Whatever
effect the amnesty granted in the Lomé Agreement may have on a
prosecution for such crimes as are contained in Articles
2 to 4 in the national
courts of Sierra Leone, it is ineffective in removing the universal jurisdiction
to prosecute persons accused
of such crimes that other states have by reason of
the nature of the crimes. It is also ineffective in depriving an international
court such as the Special Court of jurisdiction.
- The
interpretative declaration appended by the Secretary-General’s
representative at the signing of the Lomé Agreement
is in accordance with
international law and is sufficient indication of the limits of the amnesty
granted by the Agreement.
- The
prosecution of the accused by an independent autonomous court, initiated by an
independent prosecutor and not brought in the name
of Sierra Leone, is not
tainted by whatever undertaking any accused claiming the benefit of the amnesty
may have believed he had
from the Government of Sierra Leone. Such undertaking
could not affect the independent judgment of the Prosecutor who is not
responsible
to the Sierra Leonean Government.
- DISPOSITION
91. On
the whole the Preliminary Motion lacks merit and is dismissed.
|
Done at Freetown this 13th Day of March 2004
|
Justice Winter
|
Justice King
|
Justice Ayoola
|
[Seal of the Special Court for Sierra Leone]
|
[1] These Preliminary
Motions were filed under Case No. SCSL-2003-07 and Case No. SCSL-2003-10
respectively. Following the Decision and
Order on Prosecution Motions for
Joinder of 27 January 2004, and the subsequent Registry Decision for the
Assignment of a new Case
Number of 3 February 2004, they have been assigned the
new case numbers referred to
herein.
[2]
Prosecution Response to the First Defence Preliminary Motion (Lomé
Agreement), (“Kallon Response”), 23 June
2003.
[3] Prosecution
Response to the Defence Application in Respect of Jurisdiction and Defects in
Indictment, 29 September
2003.
[4] Order
pursuant to Rule 72(E) and (F): Defence Preliminary Motion based on Lack of
Jurisdiction/ Abuse of Process: Amnesty Provided
by the Lomé Accord, Case
No. SCSL-2003-07, 30 September 2003; Order pursuant to Rule 72(E): Application
by Brima Bazzy Kamara
in Respect of Jurisdiction and Defects in the Indictment,
Case No. SCSL-2003-10 PT, 9 October
2003.
[5] Written
Submissions in Support of Oral Argument: Preliminary Motion based on Lack of
Jurisdiction/ Abuse of Process: Amnesty provided
by the Lomé Accord, 3
November 2003.
[6]
Further Written Submissions on behalf of Morris Kallon: Preliminary Motion based
on Lack of Jurisdiction/ Abuse of Process: Amnesty
Provided by Lomé
Accord, (“Kallon Further Submissions”), 28 November
2003.
[7] Prosecution
Response to the Further Written submissions on behalf of Morris Kallon
(Lomé Accord), (“Prosecution Response
to Kallon Further
Submissions”), 3 December
2003.
[8]
Prosecutor v Kallon, Case No. SCSL-2003-07, Decision on Application by
the Redress Trust, Lawyers Committee for Human Rights and the International
Commission
of Jurists for Leave to file Amicus Curiae Brief and to present oral
submissions, 1 November
2003.
[9] Further
Written Submissions on behalf of the Redress Trust and the Lawyers’
Committee for Human Rights and the International
Commission of Jurists, 21
November 2003.
[10]
Reply to the Prosecution Response to the Motion on behalf of Moinina Fofana for
leave to intervene as an interested party in the
Preliminary Motion filed by Mr.
Kallon based on a lack of Jurisdiction: Amnesty provided by the Lomé
Accord and Substantive
Submissions, 31 October 2003 (“Fofana
Submissions”).
[11]
Arguments on behalf of Augustine Gbao in Support of Morris Kallon’s
Preliminary Motion based on Lack of Jurisdiction/ Abuse
of Process in the Event
of Permission being Granted to Intervene, 30 October 2003 (“Gbao
Submissions”).
[12]
Peace Agreement between the Government of Sierra Leone and the Revolutionary
United Front of Sierra Leone (RUF/SL), Lomé,
7 July 1999
(“Lomé
Agreement”).
[13]
Statute of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, 16 January 2002.
[14] Peace
Agreement between the Government of Sierra Leone and the Revolutionary United
Front of Sierra Leone, Abidjan, 30 November 1996,
UN Doc.
S/1996/1034.
[15]
Lomé Agreement, Preamble.
[16] Annex to
Letter dated 9 August 2000 from the Permanent Representative of Sierra Leone to
the United Nations addressed to the President
of the Security Council,
S/2000/786, 10 August 2000.
[17] SC Res 1315
(2000), 14 August 2000,
Preamble.
[18]
Ibid.
[19]
Ibid. emphasis added.
[20] Agreement
between the United Nations and the Government of Sierra Leone on the
Establishment of a Special Court for Sierra Leone,
16 January 2002
(“Agreement”).
[21]
Article 5 of the Agreement.
[22] See M. N.
Shaw, International Law (5th ed., 2003) p.
1040.
[23] See
para. 7 above.
[24]
See Kallon Preliminary
Motion.
[25]
Article IX(3) Lomé
Agreement.
[26]
Lomé Peace Agreement (Ratification) Act, 15 July
1999.
[27] Adopted
23 May 1969, entered into force 27 January 1980, UNTS vol. 1155,
331.
[28] The
report referred to is the Report of the Secretary-General on the Establishment
of a Special Court for Sierra Leone, UN DOC S/2000/915,
4 October
2000.
[29]
Orentlicher amicus brief, p.
3.
[30] SC Res
1260(1999), 20 August
1999.
[31] His
Excellency the President’s Address on the Occasion of the State Opening of
the Fourth Session of the First Parliament of
the Second Republic of Sierra
Leone, 16 June 2000,
http://www.sierra-leone.org/kabbah061600.html.
[32]
A Statement by His Excellency the President Alhaji Dr. Ahmad Tejan Kabbah made
before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission on
Tuesday 5 August 2003, para.
35, Sierra Leone Web,
http://www.sierra-leone.org/documents-kabbah.html.
[33]
See Fofana Submissions, paras
11-28.
[34] Gbao
Submissions, para. 14.
[35] P.H.
Kooijmans, “The Security Council and Non-State Entities as Parties to
Conflicts”, in K. Wellens (ed.), International Law: Theory and
Practice, Essays in Honour of Eric Suy (Kluwer Law International,
1998), pp.
333-346.
[36] SC
Res 1127(1997), 28 August
1997.
[37]
Kooijmans (n. 33 above), p. 338.
[38] See
e.g. Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, Geneva, 12
August 1949, 75 UNTS
135.
[39] L. Moir,
The Law of Internal Armed Conflict, (Cambridge 2002), pp. 63-64. The
author at p. 65 was of the view that the application of Article 3 does not
constitute a recognition
by the government that the insurgents have any
authority, and certainly does not amount to a recognition of belligerency. He
noted
that “scholars have since argued that, despite the obvious intention
of the framers of the Conventions, Article 3 must confer
a measure of
international legal personality upon the insurgents, at least they become the
holders of rights and obligations under
the
Article.”
[40]
Shaw, International Law, p.176 (note 22
above).
[41] Kallon
Preliminary Motion, paras
15-26.
[42]
Prosecutor v Anto Furundzija, Case No. IT-95-17/1-T, Judgement, 10
December 1998, (“Furundzija Trial Judgement”), para.
155.
[43]
Ibid.
[44]
Article
IX(3).
[45]Prosecutor
v Dusko Tadić, Case No. IT-94-1, Decision on the Defence Motion on
Jurisdiction, 10 August 1995. (“Tadic Decision on
Jurisdiction”).
[46]
Kallon Preliminary Motion, paras
11-13.
[47] Gbao
Submissions, para
9.
[48] Oral
submissions.
[49]
Black’s Law Dictionary (5th Ed., 1983), p.
76.
[50]
Ibid.
[51]
Under the universality principle, each and every state has jurisdiction to try
particular offences. See Shaw, International Law, p. 592 (note 22
above).
[52]
International Law in the Twentieth Century: Essay by Quincy Wright, p. 623,
641.
[53] See
Kittichaisare, International Criminal Law, (Oxford, 2001),
p.3.
[54]
“The fact that a particular activity may be seen as an international crime
does not itself establish universal jurisdiction
and state practice does not
appear to have moved beyond war crime, crimes against peace and crimes against
humanity in terms of permitting
the exercise of such jurisdiction.” See
Shaw, International Law, p.597 (note 22
above).
[55] See
supra note 45.
[56]
Attorney-General of the Government of Israel v. Eichman, (1961) 36 ILR 5,
12.
[57] Case
concerning Arrest Warrant of 11 April 2000 (Democratic Republic of the Congo v
Belgium) (2002) ICJ Reports, 14 February 2002, para.
61.
[58]
Furundzija Trial Judgement, para
14.
[59] A.
Cassese, International Criminal Law (Oxford, 2003),
315.
[60]See
Barcelona Traction, Light and Power Co Case (Belgium v Spain)
[1970] ICJ Reports 3; See also Moir, The Law of Internal Armed Conflict,
57, “It has been suggested that three groups of [peremptory] norms exist:
those protecting the foundations of law, peace and
humanity; those rules of
co-operation protecting fundamental common interests; and those protecting
humanity to the extent of human
dignity, personal and racial equality, life and
personal freedom.” See also I. Brownlie, Principles of International
Law, (6th Ed., 2003) where prohibition of crimes
against humanity is included as an example of a ius cogens norm, p.
489.
[61] Indeed in
1999, the UN Commission on Human Rights made what can be regarded as a statement
of universal jurisdiction in the following
terms: “[I]n any armed
conflict, including an armed conflict not of an international character, the
taking of hostages, wilful
killing and torture or inhuman treatment of persons
taking no active part in hostilities constitutes a grave breach of international
humanitarian law, and that all countries are under obligation to search for
persons alleged to have committed or to have ordered
to be committed, such grave
breaches and bring such persons regardless of their nationality, before their
own courts.” See
Situation of Human Rights in Sierra Leone, U.N.
Commission on Human Rights, 54th Session, U.N. Doc.
E/CN. 4/RES/1999/1 (1999). See also, Babafemi Akinrinade, ‘International
Humanitarian Law and the Conflict
in Sierra Leone’, 15 Notre
Dame Journal of Law, Ethics and Public Policy, 391-454 (Fall 2001) at pp.
442-443.
[62]
Azapo v. President of the Republic of South Africa (4) SA 653
(1996).
[63] See
Letter dated 9 August 2000, (note 16
above).
[64]
Tadić Jurisdiction Decision, para
18.
[65]
Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza v The Prosecutor, Case No. ICTR-97-19-AR72,
Decision, 3 November 1999, para
77.
[66]
Ibid, para
112.
[67]
Prosecution Response to the Kallon Preliminary Motion, para. 15, emphasis in the
original.
[68]
G. of Trinidad and Tobago v Phillip 1 A.C.396 at 417
(1995).
[69]
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, adopted by
UN General Assembly on 9 December 1948, 78 UNTS
277.
[70]
Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment, 4 February 1985, (1984) ILM
1027.
[71]
Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in
Armed Forces in the Field; Convention for the Amelioration
of the Condition of
Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Sea; Convention
Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners
of War; Convention Relative to the
Protection of Civilians in Time of War. Geneva, 12 August
1949.
[72]
Orentlicher amicus brief, p. 24.
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